A Change in Climate Part II: Current Policies and Negotiations
In the second post of our series examining the incoming Obama administration and its push for a national climate change policy, we turn to the current political environment; firstly examining the domestic climate, at both the state and national level, and then toward to international negotiations to replace the 1997 Kyoto Protocol, which continued last week in Poznan Poland.
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President-elect Obama inherits a dysfunctional domestic climate change policy: while the federal government has either stalled, or actively opposed, greenhouse gas (GHG) control, state governments have established their own control programs. While recent efforts to enact federal legislation have exposed many challenges to a national climate policy, opportunities for strong national leadership exist. Three significant areas of action in domestic climate policy are outlined below.
National Climate Change Legislation
The current Congress has made progress on energy efficiency and renewable energy—most notably, the extension of the Investment Tax Credit (ITC) and the Production Tax Credit (PTC), and the increased stringency of auto mileage standards in the 2007 Energy Independence and Security Act. While, a comprehensive statute to control GHG emissions advanced further than ever before, there remain substantial roadblocks to passage. The two most significant efforts of the last year are the Lieberman-Warner Climate Security Act (Lieberman-Warner) and Dingell-Boucher bills. Lieberman-Warner failed on a vote to end debate in early June, despite significant support from industry. The Dingell-Boucher bill was released only as a discussion draft, and with Congressman Waxman taking over as chairman of the House Committee on Energy and Commerce, its future seems bleak.
President-elect Obama’s campaign platform contained a cap and trade system similar to those in the failed legislation, but also included both more aggressive reduction targets and a 100% auction of carbon credits. As the fight over the Lieberman-Warner bill and the Waxman/Dingell face-off show, divisions within the Democratic caucus will remain a significant obstacle.
A side note: because of the perceived mishandling of the Lieberman-Warner bill before the Senate, Akin Gump lawyers suspect that Majority Leader Sen. Harry Reid will turn to Sen. Jeff Bingaman of New Mexico to help shepherd any climate legislation through the Senate. While Sen. Bingaman has been an advocate of GHG control, his previously introduced legislation on climate change has included much more modest emissions control targets and limited carbon auctions; the Senator’s leadership may provide a significant moderating influence on any potential legislation.
Executive Agency Action
The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has largely opposed efforts to regulate carbon under exiting statutes, primarily the Clean Air Act. For example, it opposed state efforts to have carbon dioxide ruled a “pollutant” for purposes of the Clean Air Act, a position rejected by the Supreme Court in Massachusetts v. EPA. The Agency also denied the state of California’s petition to regulate emissions from automobiles. President-elect Obama has criticized the EPA’s recent actions and it seems likely that he would act quickly to reverse course in a number of areas.
Important changes are coming to the EPA’s regulation of GHG’s even before the accession of the Obama administration. In recent weeks, EPA issued a landmark decision on power plant construction. In a case about a power plant on American Indian land in Utah, the agency’s own appeals board ruled that EPA erred in refusing to consider requiring best available control technology (BACT) for GHG emissions control. For the short term, this essentially the freezes the permitting and construction of new power plants; the decision places the burden on the incoming administration to determine what will meet BACT standards and how power plants will be permitted going forward.
State Action
In stark contrast to the federal government, state governments have pushed ahead aggressively with GHG control pacts, both as individual states and as part of regional compacts. In the northeast, ten states (Connecticut, Delaware, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, Rhode Island, and Vermont) created the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative (RGGI), the first mandatory, market-based emissions control program in the United States. RGGI’s goals are modest—a 10% reduction in GHG emissions by 2018—but it provides an important guidepost for future programs.
For further information about this topic, please contact Akin Gump.


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